Is The Black-Brown Coalition Unraveling?
12/06/2021
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Exploiting friction within the Democrats' coalition of the fringes is the most effective action the GOP/GAP can take for the sake of its electoral future. The easiest way to do so: by branding the Democratic Party as the Black Party, as I explained last month. Realpolitik is not the strong suit of Republican leaders, who think vapid, Reagan-era sloganeering will protect it from the ugly crime-ridden Thunderdome that the Biden regime is creating with Open Borders. But if the GOP wants to survive, it better figure out Realpolitik real fast. A key point: making the Democrats the black party requires understanding how much Hispanics disdain and in some cases dislike blacks, and why remaining in the party does not serve Hispanic interests.

The Democrat coalition is a hodgepodge of loud, non-white, sometimes sexually deviant subgroups with conflicting interests. Try getting Aztlan irredentists, black nationalists, homosexual activists, Islamic grievance hustlers, and Leftist Jews in one room. Watching them attempt to form a consensus would be a sight to behold. Yet this angry, explosive, emotional, and in some cases mentally ill bunch of actors are solid Democrat constituencies.

Democrats have walked this political tightrope quite deftly. What unites the freakshow is a universal hatred of white men and a ravenous desire to steal their resources. But once the common white enemy exits the picture, fissures will emerge.

Even now we see this shaky, disparate coalition that resembles the Mos Eisley cantina slowly unraveling, particularly with respect to blacks and Hispanics. The Elephant in the Living Room is black crime. It’s creating problems for Democrat leaders. Every group, from whites to non-black minorities in major cities, regularly encounters black criminality. Hispanics are well accustomed to black misbehavior, which explains their lukewarm sympathy towards Black Lives Matter throughout 2020 [National Results 2020 President Exit Polls: Latino Voters].

And the ill-feelings don’t just stop at Black Lives Matter. Hispanics oppose “decreasing the size of police forces and the scope of their work and reparations for the descendants of slaves by 2:1 or more,” says famous political demographer Ruy Teixeira, who wrote The Emerging Democratic Majority [The Democrats’ Hispanic Voter Problem: More Evidence from the 2020 Pew Validated Survey, by Ruy Teixeira, Substack, October 7, 2020].

But the “colorblind” hacks in the Stupid Party do not comprehend those deep-seated tensions [Latino gang members firebombed black residents to drive them out of Boyle Heights project, prosecutors allege, by Kate Mather, Brittny Meija, and Hector Becerra, Los Angeles Times, July 7, 2016]. Prisons offer a graphic depiction of how this interracial conflict goes down in the real world. It ain’t pretty. Beneath the facade of the Democrats’ rainbow coalition is an Octagon-like combat arena of seething brown-on-black violence [Latino Gang Members In Southern California Are Terrorizing and Killing Blacks, by Brentin Mock, Southern Poverty Law Center, January 16, 2007].

Hispanic prison gangs routinely butt heads with their black rivals. Occasionally, Hispanic prison gangs join white gangs to confront the black prison gangs that tend to dominate these institutions numerically [Nazi low riders boast over 1,000 members, most in prison, by Camille Jackson, Southern Poverty Law Center, July 20, 2004].

Outside prison walls, Hispanic street gangs have built a notorious reputation for chasing blacks out of neighborhoods throughout Los Angeles, which is de facto ethnic cleansing [L.A. Is Not So Black and White, by David Cole, Taki Magazine, October 6, 2020]. In addition, blacks have been pushed out of cities like Miami by Caribbean Hispanic migrants, who are considerably wealthier, more socially stable, and more politically adept than blacks.

Admittedly, the GOP faces hard limits in how far white Hispanics will go in cooperating with Legacy Americans. American identity politics are so strong that Hispanics are invariably going to reach for a piece of the anti-white pie. As the Hispanic population grows larger and starts developing its own elite, it will assert its political power at the Historic American Nation’s expense.

It cannot be overstated how strong the “flight from white” has become. It’s not inconceivable that mixed-race groups like Hispanics will identify as non-white even if they have significant European blood.

The 2020 Census illustrated this: Hispanics identifying as white-only fell by a remarkable 53 percent [Why did few Latinos identify as white in the 2020 census?, by Manuel Pastor and Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, Los Angeles Times, September 9, 2021].

And actually believing they aren’t white might not be the reason. They know which side butters whose bread. If they identify as non-white, Democrats will offer a pot of goodies.

That is why the GOP must use crime to drive a wedge between Hispanics and blacks. The party can’t compete with the Democrats in handing out racial spoils.

Recall what I wrote here about Asian antipathy toward blacks during and after the Rodney King and Michael Brown hoax riots in 1992 and 2014. Asians tilted toward the GOP. The party has an even better issue to exploit now: anti-Asian crimes committed by blacks. Elites might peddle the nonsense that Donald Trump and “white supremacy” are the reasons blacks attack Asians. But Asian victims and their families know the truth. They see the viral videos. That goes for black crime against Hispanics, of course, and everyone else.

While obviously not pretty, whites must exploit multiculturalism’s big weak spot: internecine conflict among non-whites. While non-whites rip each other apart, whites can lay low and gradually replenish their strength.

Meanwhile, the Republican Party must target the non-college white vote, a monolithic GOP bloc in the same way that blacks are a solid voting bloc for the Democrats. Then, when the time is right, whites can decisively strike back and remind foreign interlopers and their Treason Lobby sponsors that the North American continent belongs to the Historic American Nation.

The outsiders are just visiting.

Pedro de Alvarado is a Hispanic dissident who is well aware of the realities of race from his experience living throughout Latin America and in the States.
 
As a native of lands conquered by brave Spaniards but later subverted by centuries of multiracial trickery and despotic governance, Pedro offers clear warnings to Americans about the perils of multiracialism.

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