Republished on VDARE.com on May 09, 2006
Julian Simon And Me
By Peter Brimelow
Forbes,
April 20, 1998
THIS MAGAZINE'S editor-in-chief
wrote one of the many respectful obituaries for
Julian Simon, the University of Maryland business
school professor and libertarian theorist who died
recently at the tragically early age of 65. These
tributes were striking evidence of the extraordinary
intellectual revolution of our time--and its
imperfections.
At the end of the 1970s Simon made
a
now-famous bet with environmentalist Paul Ehrlich,
author of
The Population Bomb, that the real price of
various key commodities would be lower in ten years'
time. Ehrlich had to pay up.
Simon won this bet because he had
grasped a single great truth: The price mechanism works.
Rising prices choke off demand, encourage more
economical use and, ultimately, call forth new supply.
Ehrlich lost the bet because, like many scientists and
lawyers, he simply had no concept of these tradeoffs.
And, to be fair, neither did many people in that decade
of economic controls and gas rationing by shortage.
When, as a young financial journalist, I challenged the
assumption that consumers would go on greedily guzzling
gas at absolutely any price, I was hooted down by an
entire editorial meeting as a hopeless ideologue. This
would not happen now. (Well, not for that reason.)
It was as a fellow libertarian
ideologue that I first met Simon--at a 1990 Manhattan
Institute seminar for his new book,
The Economic Consequences of Immigration.
He greeted me warmly, quizzed me about my rumored
deviationism on the immigration issue and inscribed my
copy flatteringly. We proceeded to have, alas, a
distinctly acrimonious public relationship, especially
after the 1995 appearance of my own book
Alien
Nation: Common Sense About America's Immigration Disaster--which
came to conclusions
quite contrary to his.
On immigration, Simon had again
grasped a single great truth: You can't reason
simplistically from increasing immigration to native
dispossession. As he put it: "Immigrants not only take
jobs, they make jobs."
In his book, however, Simon made
important but little-noted qualifications. He
acknowledged that, while immigration may increase
aggregate output, specific groups of workers may very
well be displaced, e.g., low-skilled blacks. And any
increased output may not even go to them but to others,
e.g., upper-income whites. Simon also noted--proudly, he
invented the concept--the "negative human capital
externalities" of immigration. Mass unskilled
immigration could eventually overwhelm the higher skills
of natives, he admitted--the macroeconomic equivalent of
getting a cab driver in Manhattan who can't speak
English. This was why Simon, contrary to a widespread
impression, did not advocate opening the borders.
The critical qualification to
Simon's truth, however: To show nice things can happen
is not to prove nasty things can't happen--and aren't
happening.
Thus the 1965 immigration act,
which restarted mass immigration after a 40-year lull,
accidentally instituted a perverse selection process. It
effectively favored lower-skilled immigrants.
Researchers began reporting the consequences about ten
years ago. Their findings were confirmed recently by the
National Academy of Sciences' survey The New Americans:
Post-1965 immigration has brought essentially no proven
aggregate economic benefit to native-born Americans; it
is imposing an annual average net fiscal cost (through
transfer payments) of about $200 per native-born
household--$1,200 in California.
Simon, who did little primary
immigration research himself, simply ignored this.
In retrospect, Simon's truth about
environmentalism is similarly incomplete. Population
might grow safely forever. But it might not. Disasters
do occur. More fundamentally: Even if the U.S. could be
turned into a continent-size Calcutta--do Americans want
that?
We are all free marketeers now. But
the free market is not all things. It must function in a
framework of institutions and values. That framework
needs attention, too.
Julian Simon was a light cavalryman
of the intellect. He was brilliant at swooping on key
positions far in an enemy's rear. He was not designed to
hold those positions against sustained counterattack.
But then, that was not his role.
I last saw him at a
Hoover Institution immigration debate. Before it
started, partly to lull him, I mentioned my Charticle (Forbes,
May 20, 1996) showing that recent slow GDP growth rates
were actually the long-run historic norm. Disturbing
news for libertarian ideologues who like to blame the
slowdown on encroaching government. As one ideologue to
another, was there an answer?
"There is," he said.
"I'll tell you
later." But he had to catch a plane.
Right or wrong, it would
have been interesting. I wish he were still here to tell
me.