August 18, 2004
Jews And Immigration: Stephen Steinlight Said
What? David Frum Spoke Why?
By John White
Evidently the
Center for Immigration Studies was happier with
Stephen Steinlight’s second outing, the Washington D.C. panel
discussion on Jews and immigration that Marcus Epstein
covered for VDARE.COM in June, than with the similar
New York affair I wrote about [Stephen
Steinlight - Prophet Without Honor?]
in late 2001.
This time, the organization put up
a transcript of the discussion. Last time nothing at all
appeared. Washington policy wonks seem to have made a
less feisty audience than turned up in Manhattan.
No doubt that is what Washington is
about.
But the
transcript and Steinlight’s paper itself (High
Noon to Midnight: Why Current Immigration Policy Dooms
American Jewry, April 2004) are a treasure trove
for those interested in the political and social
phenomenon of immigration. Steinlight is an acute and
penetrating analyst, effectively privileged by his
Jewish ethnicity to make or authenticate judgments
virtually nobody else has the courage to assert.
On the political role of American
Jews:
"Nearly
half the money spent in Democratic Party presidential
primaries comes from Jewish contributors… A majority of
Clinton’s cabinet members were Jews. Jewish advisors
play key roles in the Bush administration’s national
security, foreign and military affairs." (P2)
On the
Lautenberg Amendment:
"…a
byproduct of American-Jewish political influence has
been that persecuted Jews have gone to the
head of the refugee line for resettlement here.
Under the Lautenberg Amendment, hundreds of thousands of
Jews from the Former Soviet Union
entered the United States, ahead of thousands of
other refugees who, arguably, faced greater danger in
places like Central America and Africa. A first casualty
of the loss of [Jewish] political power
[caused by current immigration] as could be the
special consideration now accorded Jewish refugees."
(P5)
On why Jewish political funding
bought so much influence:
"Without minimizing the effectiveness of organizations
like AIPAC and others in steering U.S. foreign policy in
a pro-Israel direction, it must be acknowledged that for
many years they’ve been pushing on an open door. Once
the… old guard at the State Department largely departed,
support for Israel became a political no-brainer…it has
brought substantial benefits and no
downside...Politicians who supported Israel could count
on support from Jewish voters in their home state or
district. Even if there were no Jewish voters back home,
there would always be Jewish money available to support
the campaigns of Israel’s friends in Congress." (P 10)
Steinlight’s exposition of why the
current immigration deluge is so profoundly different,
for cultural and technological reasons, from the
previous flood is a masterpiece (P.7-8). And his
assessment of the Bush immigration reform plan—what
VDARE.COM calls "The
Bush Betrayal"—is definitively caustic.
Steinlight describes it as
"a sham
to amnesty between 10 to 14 million illegal aliens by
turning them into members of a
permanent legal underclass, a conception that is an
affront to the deepest ideals of American political and
social culture from the Founders on…If enacted, Bush’s
scheme would transform the United States from what it is
today—the best approximation the modern world has known
of the democratic ideal represented by the
Athens of Pericles— into
Sparta, a
hierarchical state with rigid social distinctions
carried on the backs of a
class of helots." (P3-4)
And Steinlight’s assessment of the
political utility of "Hispandering"
would gladden
Steve Sailer’s heart:
"Of the
massive demographic bulge that entered the United States
in the early 1980s, less than
20 percent has naturalized. In the last presidential
election, Jews outpolled Latinos in L.A. County! Whether
this sleeping giant will awaken is among the great
political conundrums of our time...this is one dog that
may never bark"
Good stuff! Friends of immigration
reform might think the CIS is correct: Stephen
Steinlight is an able ally in the struggle against the
obliteration of the traditional American nation and
culture (although admittedly with unusual and undeniably
selfish reasons).
But this is quite wrong, as emerged
in the transcript. Mark Krikorian, Executive Director of
the CIS, asked, in his characteristically indirect way,
why Muslim immigration should not just be banned, saying
"…at a
closed panel discussion with a major Jewish
organization, a committee within that organization,
reassessing their immigration policy… one of the members
of this taskforce of the organization, a very liberal
woman…stood up and said, ‘I’m proud of my organization’s
advocacy for high levels of immigration…but why don’t we
just not let any
Arabs in?’ And I would ask a similar question."
This provoked indignant and
reflexive spluttering from Steinlight, for whom the
1920s
remains the territory of Demons:
"There
would be no support in the present American society and
on Capitol Hill for a return to anything resembling the
National Origins Quota Act. So it’s a non-starter."
(Of course, given the resistance on
Capitol Hill to any immigration reform at all, this is
not much of an argument.)
Someone in the audience wanted
further reassurance about ways the Jewish community in
America could offset the growth of a Muslim minority in
the US. This was Steinlight’s extraordinary response:
"In
terms of Jewish numbers…Obviously, Jewish fertility is
below replacement level and there is a so-called
crisis of Jewish continuity. I think the answer for that
is very simple: that Jews should go back to doing
something that Jews always did …Jews should seek
proselytes from among lapsed American Christians. Jews
should be converting and aggressively out there
converting people to Judaism.
"Given
the fact that mainstream Protestantism is
dead as a doornail, and given the fact that the
scandals with the Roman Catholic Church have caused many
people to back away…I would suggest that there is a role
in Judaism, something the Jews have not pursued, but I
think there’s a historic moment here. Jews have not
really pursued since the 2nd century—when, by the way,
20 percent of the Roman Empire was Jewish by
conversion—to move towards a conversion strategy."
"… I
think Jews need to think—rethink very strongly their
historic antipathy to evangelizing and should go out and
do what Jews always did. There’s nothing in the Torah or
the Talmud that speaks against proselytizing."
Poor Mark Krikorian! He has bad
luck with guests—witness Joel Mowbray’s
denunciation of immigration reform in the
very act of accepting CIS’s media suck-up prize last
year! He cut this line off abruptly, claiming shortage
of time, although the session went on quite a bit
longer.
Yes, his new ally is willing to
defend America from changing into a
Muslim or a
Latino country.
But that’s because he wants to
Judaize it!
Still, at least Steinlight is
willing to perceive a threat to America, and envisage
action to defeat it. This is far more than
David Frum, Steinlight’s fellow panelist, seems
prepared to do.
Frum’s surprisingly vague
contributions were consistently directed at evading the
issue. He seemed extremely unwilling to discuss
immigration at all, let alone whether it threatened the
Jewish community, or if anything could actually be done
about it. His initial comments were 70% directed
entirely off topic, an enthusiastic discussion of ways
of improving the veracity of
ID documents, padded out with jokes.
His response to the question about
excluding Arabs was to tell a long, rambling anecdote
about meeting a New Jersey
limousine driver from
Egypt who was rejecting his Arabic heritage. This
was intended to demonstrate that, as Frum put it,
"many
of the people who come from the Arab world are precisely
coming because they object to the way things …are
there."
Unfortunately, the effect of this
happygram was erased when Joseph Puder, the tough-minded
Israeli who was the third panel member, pointed out that
as a Coptic Christian, Frum’s example was actually a
member of a
persecuted minority highly likely to be hostile to
the Islamic
political culture. (And also, of course, quite
irrelevant to the question of the prudence of
large-scale Muslim immigration.)
About the only immigration policy
issue Frum was clear about was his opposition to any
deliberate sorting by nationality or ethnicity:
"I
don’t think you can do immigration by singling out
ethnic groups. That would be illegal. [JW note: ??]
It would also be politically unwise. And I think that
raises a lot of problems with racial profiling…. is
inconceivable to me that American immigration law could
ever say to somebody on a visa form are you a Muslim?"
Admittedly, this was followed by a
confused musing taking 37 lines of transcript which
concluded:
"we
ought to be looking for people who actually buy into
American values, and they can be found. And that should
be something, when you’re thinking about visa allocation
that should also be part of it."
Which might optimistically be
construed as indicating that some sort of political
profiling would be acceptable. But Frum made no
suggestion as to how to achieve this.
In his VDARE.COM article,
Marcus Epstein took comfort from his interpretation
that Frum
"is
beginning to say that you cannot stop illegal
immigration without lowering the total number of legal
immigrants into the country."
To me, this is a good deal more
than the transcript supports. Admittedly, Frum’s
observations are particularly jumbled at this point, but
what it says he said is:
"My own
past attitude on immigration has always been that you
need—that there are two questions and two unrelated
questions. One is, what immigration laws you should
have? And then the second question is how those
laws—should those laws be enforced…whatever that limit
is, nonetheless that’s the limit and the law should be
enforced… As I had been thinking about this issue I have
come to appreciate that maybe it is not so
clear-cut…it’s true that the existence of the first
population makes possible the existence of the second".
"The
question that I think a lot of us have to grapple with
is, does the casual attitude toward legal immigration—is
that ultimately responsible for tolerance of a massive
illegal population in the United States? I have not come
anywhere close to finishing my thinking on that subject,
but it is a subject I do think about…"
David Frum’s behavior is
particularly interesting because back in the early 90s,
before Bill Buckley fired John O Sullivan from
National Review and immigration reform was relegated
to the magazine’s
curio cupboard, Frum actually published an article
there arguing that big business might ultimately have to
choose between mass immigration and free trade—and
should choose free trade i.e. accept immigration
restriction.
[Living
with nationalism, April 22, 1996, National
Review, By David Frum.]
Something in the Washington wind
seems to have caused a Frum fall-off—a massive
regression.
Frum’s panel contribution does
however, have one valuable component. This is his
account of the response to Bush’s immigration amnesty
proposal of earlier this year. He said:
"I
happen to be on a book tour for
An End to Evil, like in the second or third week
when the Administration’s immigration proposal came out,
and it was like being there on the first day of the
Somme when the machine guns opened; I mean, every show
you did, every question. And I made a few calls and
said…there’s a problem up here— [laughter] —in
Americaland; the Americans are unhappy about this."
How many in the audience grasped
the comparison that the charmingly unassimilated Frum
employed here? The opening day of the
Somme offensive in 1916 was the bloodiest in the
long and costly military history of the
British Empire, in which his birthplace,
Canada, was a
loyal participant. An American might have
cited Pickett’s Charge.
Frum went on:
"One of
the things you can never underestimate is just how
Administrations divide up their policy into…working
groups where interests come together and sometimes they
make hideous errors. So, in this one it just seemed to
people here was a way to take an actual constituency in
the Republican Party, which is
employers, and a
hopeful constituency of the Republican Party, which
is
conservative Catholic Latino immigrants, and meld
them together to solve the problem of the decay in the
Republican party’s voting base over the past 15
years…they are looking for answers and they make a lot
of errors."
Most VDARE.COM readers would be
probably willing to accept Frum’s apparent diagnosis
here: the Administration was making a
crude and stupid attempt to buy Hispanic support.
But actually his remarks are far
more revealing. What, one might ask is wrong with
the
Republican base—which in fact gave the party the
White House and both Houses of Congress for the past
four years?
A base which, as Frum freely
acknowledges, was furious at the amnesty idea?
Frum’s analysis:
"what
they [GOP
strategists] lost sight of was…the impact this
was going to have on the kind of the
upper-working-class, American who is sort of the
institutional bulwark of the party. The voting bulwark,
not the institutional but the voting bulwark of the
party, and who saw this as, one, an attack on his wages,
but even more—even more an attack on his values because,
one, it violated his
sense of fairness…whoever designed this proposal was
clearly not thinking about the problems of people like
the people who were calling my [radio] stations
and yelling at me."
The answer seems to lie in Frum’s
final sentence on the subject. The policy designers, he
says,
"…just
are gripped on to a political dynamic that they think is
fundamentally hostile to them in a way that the Reagan
people did not…"
In other words, what is wrong with
the Republican base is not that it cannot support
electoral victory, but that to build victories on it
would require policies—such as curtailing
immigration—that those in control of the GOP are
ferociously determined to reject.
So ferociously, indeed, that an
alert operative like David Frum, formerly open-minded on
immigration, wanted to avoid even the appearance of
being interested in reform.
That is why the hunt is on for a
new coalition.
The good news is Frum’s report that
the
negative response to the Bush proposal was truly
volcanic. This no doubt explains the subsequent lack of
Congressional action on it.
Nevertheless, his presence on the
panel remains a mystery. Perhaps Krikorian hoped that,
from one of the several platforms Frum has been
privileged with, he would have the generosity to give
some attention to the work of Steinlight and the CIS.
Dream on! Frum’s weekly columns
continued their usual oscillation between supporting war
in the Middle East and hyping his cronies—and his wife’s
novel.
Nor was National Review
influenced to give the matter any notice, despite its
new obsession with "national security."
David Frum is the only writer named
in the
masthead of National Review Online. So it is
illuminating to find the following gem at the end of his
trail of evasions at the CIS symposium:
"I’m
going to shamelessly ignore the questions and pick up on
one thing that Joe said and one thing that Stephen said
and put them together as a practical answer.
"…when
Bob Jones University wanted to put a ban on interracial
dating they were told ...you can not get a
tax receipt if you promote such policies. Seems
fair…. I think one of the ways . . . one of the most
powerful tools against the
incitement of hatred is the Bob Jones precedent and
the use of the income tax code. That would be a
practical suggestion for something that would make, I
think, a lot of difference and spur Americanization"
Wonderful! Rather than discuss, let
alone support, immigration reform, better politicize a
revenue-raising mechanism and use it to coerce opinion.
This is not the spirit of the
Boston Tea Party and the
Founding Fathers. It is the spirit of the Bolsheviks
and the Commissars.
Maybe there’s something in this
stuff about
neoconservatives being ex-Marxists.