December 21, 2004
Housing ‘Shortages’: The Immigration Dimension
By
Carl F. Horowitz
[Recently
by Carl Horowitz:
As Vermont Goes…So Might
Have Gone The Nation]
Steve Sailer
pointed out last week that fast-increasing house
prices seem to provoke Americans to vote Democratic. But
why are house prices increasing?
Part of the answer: Loudoun County,
Virginia, no longer just the rural fringe of the
Washington, D.C. metropolitan area. Population-wise,
since 2000 it’s been the fastest-growing county in
the U.S.—and one of its most prosperous, too, with a
mean household income in 2003 of $112,448.
But lately it has been undergoing a
housing crisis that reveals some dark consequences of
mass immigration.
Late this summer the County Board
of Supervisors voted unanimously to adopt a section of
the Virginia building code designed to
limit overcrowding in single-family dwellings. The
rule requires that a housing unit must contain at least
50 square feet of interior space for each occupant.
It's a milquetoast measure almost
guaranteed not to result in evictions. The county, in
effect, is saying that no more than 40 people may live
in a 2,000-square-foot house. So what? Some of the
wildest
fraternity parties on America’s college campuses
don't meet this threshold.
But context here is everything. The
occupants of these homes are overwhelmingly Hispanic
immigrant renters.
The area’s County Board
representative,
Eugene Delgaudio, had introduced the
housing code proposal after receiving a flood of
complaints from constituents. Residents had told him
that some neighboring homes contain 20 or more renters
who sleep on floors on townhouses,
urinate in yards due to overcrowded conditions
inside, and park more than a dozen cars on the street
and/or in the yard.
The landlords who lease these
premises have done more than tolerate these conditions;
they’ve promoted them. They often partition each room
into two or more smaller ones, thus increasing the
potential number of occupants, and with it, rental
income. The new ordinance provides funds to hire two
inspectors to investigate such cases. Preliminary cost
to taxpayers:
$149,415.
A local black civil-rights
activist, Albert Bland, is up in arms, accusing the
county of practicing anti-Hispanic apartheid. "You
introduced a bill directed at one race of people, at
Hispanic
citizens," he huffed to the county board at a
public meeting. "That is one of the worst
discrimination bills in all my years in Loudoun County."
Limits
on residents adopted by Board, By David
Bradley, Loudoun Easterner, September 8, 2004,
The splenetic Mr. Bland complains
too much.
First of all, it is unsafe to
assume the squatters are citizens, or for that matter,
even legal residents (a good number, in fact, are
suspected members of the notorious nationwide gang,
MS-13).
Second, a county or municipal
government can hardly be said to be "racist" in
promulgating basic health and safety standards for
housing.
Third, and most importantly, this
sort of moral grandstanding misses the extent to which
population growth drives housing markets.
The term "high-growth"
doesn’t do justice to Loudoun County. Its Census
population of a little over 86,000 in 1990 had nearly
doubled to just about 170,000 in 2000. As of July 1,
2003 its population stood at 221,746. The 30.7 percent
increase over the latter three-year period was the
highest for any county in the U.S. Not unrelated to
this, about 5.7 percent of the county’s residents were
foreign-born in 1990. By 2000 the immigrant share had
doubled to 11.3 percent.
It's not as if builders haven't
accommodated the crush of house seekers, whatever their
geographic origins. The housing stock has increased at a
galloping pace. In 2003 the county contained 78,982
dwelling units, up from 62,160 in 2000, and there has
been a corresponding proliferation of
shopping malls, office parks and
restaurants.
It is nearly impossible to drive
along any county road anywhere east of Leesburg without
encountering evidence of ongoing or recent construction,
so stunning has been the transformation of the
countryside.
Yet in the face of this, housing
has gotten impossibly expensive for first-time
homebuyers of modest means. The average price for a home
sold back in 1993—the year I moved to Ashburn, in the
eastern, more
densely populated portion of the county—was
$178,894. By 2003 this figure had more than doubled to
$372,558.
Whereas a dozen years ago a new
four-bedroom luxury single-family detached home could be
had for $250,000, that same unit today would be a steal
at $500,000.
In theory, this should not be
happening. A fast-growing supply of anything is supposed
to keep prices low. But then again, in theory, the
Virginia Department of Transportation's ambitious
program of major road construction and improvement
should have eased daytime congestion. Anyone who has
lived and/or worked in Loudoun County as long as I have,
however, can attest to the reality that local traffic
jams are far worse, and for longer periods of time (even
on weekends), than ever before.
Loudoun County, in other words, is
learning the hard way the meaning of the term
"carrying capacity."
It is fast approaching limits to its
ability to provide an environment so many people moved
out here to enjoy in the first place.
Of course, job growth and low
mortgage interest rates explain much of the building
boom and attendant population increase. But mass
immigration is the great unspoken reason.
To see where all of this might
lead, cross the Potomac and look at Montgomery County,
Md. Much more established than Loudoun County, but still
highly affluent and educated, its 2000 population was
873,341, of which fully 26.7 percent were foreign-born.
In January 2004 the estimated county population had
grown to about 931,000.
Local officials in this Democratic
stronghold admit that immigration has played a huge part
in this. The county Department of Housing and Community
Affairs, in its long-range housing policy document,
published in 2001, concluded: "After taking into
consideration
out-migration, it is estimated that
foreign immigration is responsible for 85 percent of
Montgomery County’s population growth."
Immigrants and their offspring are
sure to keep housing demand high for the D.C. area as a
whole, even with a continuing building boom. George
Mason University’s Stephen Fuller projects a deficit of
218,000 dwelling units for the metro region in 2025.
Housing shortages, in other
words, can occur even when production is high, so long
as demand cannot be satisfied.
And it is immigrant-driven demand
that is escalating production to what yet may become
unsustainable levels, in a national as well as a local
context.
This notion is not especially
popular among builders and mortgage lenders (including
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac), which have become
prominent
immigration enthusiasts in recent years. More
immigration, after all, means more population, which in
turn means more housing to build, sell, rent, appraise
and maintain.
Housing starts during 1994-2003
averaged nearly 1.58 million a year, a jump of about 9
percent from the 1984-1993 annual average of 1.45
million. The 2003 figure of nearly 1.85 million was the
highest since 1978, and its single-family portion, 1.5
million, was the highest in U.S. history.
My purist
libertarian friends—by no means necessarily of the
open-borders mentality either—point to
regulation as the culprit for rising house prices
and rents. Get rid of
zoning ordinances,
growth controls, occupancy codes and other
government restrictions, they argue, and
builders will be able to make their product more
affordable. "Overcrowding" is a relative term
anyway, an invention of misguided Puritan
reformist impulses of
a century ago. Etc. etc.
It’s a comfortable, and illusory,
mantra. But such a strategy never can be more than
marginally effective without lowering immigration
ceilings and toughening
border and
interior enforcement. Anyone who thinks excessive
land use regulation explains why certain portions of
Sterling, Virginia have come to resemble a Hispanic
squatter camp is not living in the real world.
On a crude level of self-interest,
the local housing shortage has been beneficial. I bought
my current townhouse back in 1993 for $140,000. Today I
could get $300,000, even $325,000, in a snap.
But—it’s not likely I could afford
anything better at the same mortgage payment level.
And even staying put has gotten more expensive, thanks
to the rising cost of public service provision, most of
all, education. The last few years have seen sizable
property tax hikes. An encore is almost inevitable.
Loudoun County officials are projecting a net influx of
at least 25,000 additional students into the public
school system over the next five years, a large portion
of them the children of immigrants. Fully 21.7 percent
of the county population in 2000, in fact, consisted of
school-age children, while 9.7 percent were of preschool
age.
Those already-high proportions likely have risen since,
if the preponderance of baby strollers at the Dulles
Town Center shopping mall has been any guide.
County Board of Supervisors
Chairman Scott York explains the dilemma:
"Being
number one [in growth] is nothing to brag about,
unless you are thrilled to death about having to build
28 schools in the last eight years and 23 more schools
over the course of the next six years." (Loudoun
is Fastest Growing, By S. A. Miller,
Washington Times, April 9, 2004).
A lot of suburbanizing counties in
the U.S. are about find themselves in the same
predicament.
Immigration restriction is the
ultimate smart-growth tool.
It’s the responsibility of Congress
to employ it.
Carl F. Horowitz [email
him] is a Washington-area policy researcher who
specializes in immigration, labor, welfare and housing
issues. He has a Ph.D. in urban planning and policy
development and has taught in the urban and regional
planning program at Virginia Polytechnic Institute.